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Access to Needed Services

Families have access to necessary services through expanded eligibility, reduced administrative burden and fewer barriers to services, and identification of needs and connection to services.

Ensuring access to the resources and services that parents and children need is foundational to building a prenatal-to-3 system of care. When infants, toddlers, and their families have access to the evidence-based programs and services for which they are eligible, they have more opportunities to achieve the prenatal-to-3 goals linked to those programs and services. For example, increased access to health insurance benefits is directly related to multiple prenatal-to-3 goal areas, including Sufficient Household Resources, Healthy and Equitable Births, and Optimal Child Health and Development.1

States provide benefits and programs to children and families directly and often administer benefits and programs funded by the federal government. These programs have varying eligibility criteria and modes of delivery. However, take-up of services among similarly eligible families who are eligible varies considerably from state to state: Between two children in different states with identical needs, one may receive a benefit that the other does not, a situation leaving many without the services that help them to thrive.2  

Due to systemic racism and overlapping systems of oppression, Black, Hispanic, and Native American families often face the greatest barriers to accessing needed services. For example, in a study about EI services, eligible Black children at age 2 were found to be 5 to 8 times less likely to receive services than White children, depending on the eligibility category.3 In the case of paid family leave, families must rely on a patchwork of state policies or employer-provided benefits. Hispanic working-age adults have significantly lower rates of access to paid leave for the birth or adoption of a child—41.2 percent—compared to 51.5 percent for Black non-Hispanic workers and 56.5 percent for White non-Hispanic workers.4

States have the ability to increase families’ and children’s access to services through three primary pathways:

  1. Expanding eligibility criteria to evidence-based programs and services;
  2. Reducing administrative burden and barriers to programs and services; and
  3. Screening for the specific needs that families and their children have and connecting them with the precise services they need.

Expanded Eligibility Criteria

States have the flexibility to determine who is eligible for many programs and services, including programs largely funded by the federal government. Determinations about who is eligible for a service can be driven by whether a state has adopted a specific policy (for example, paid family and medical leave or expanded income eligibility for health insurance), the broad or narrow criteria the state uses to determine whether someone is eligible (for example, criteria for Early Intervention services or child care subsidies), or whether to include or exclude certain populations that are not automatically eligible (for example, some states use state funds to provide services to immigrant families and children). These decisions drive variation in whether two children or parents with similar needs, but in different states, receive similar help.

Fewer Barriers to Services and Reduced Administrative Burden

Families experience different levels of barriers accessing resources and care. For some families, barriers are low and accessing resources is often simple, but for other families, multiple barriers (e.g., lack of transportation or time, exclusivity, lack of support, high costs, etc.) may make it difficult to access resources and care needed to help their families thrive. States can make choices that ease the barriers individuals and families face in accessing resources and care, and in doing so, may also subsequently improve additional indicators of families’ wellbeing as a result of increased use of needed services and programs. For example, states can support innovative program models, such as group prenatal care models, that seek to improve the accessibility of care (e.g., through an alternative care model and the integration of peer support).

Administrative burden refers to the barriers that increase the costs—time, money, and psychological distress—of applying for and maintaining eligibility in a public assistance programs. Administrative burden policies come in many forms, such as requiring that recertification for benefits take place in person rather than remotely, or that recertification take place every 3 months rather than annually, or that a host of documents be presented to prove eligibility. Moreover, the policies can result from intentional or inadvertent features of regulations that states put in place.5 Regardless of the intentions, administrative burden policies are largely costly and inefficient, and they reduce the use of services among those who are eligible. Because state resources are generally limited, reasonable policies are needed to ensure that only families who are eligible receive the intended services, but states have found methods to reduce fraud while also reducing unnecessary burdens on eligible families.

Screenings and Connections to Needed Services

Identifying needs early and addressing them immediately helps to reduce the need for later services (and saves money).6 An adequate system for screening and connections requires four components: (1) screening to identify the precise services that are needed, (2) referring and connecting the family to the needed services, (3) serving the family to address the need, and (4) monitoring outcomes to ensure the need is addressed. A breakdown in any of these links to services threatens the health of the system and may compromise improvements in outcomes. Our current systems often focus on screening, yet neglect to document the needs of the families, the services rendered, or the improvements made in family and child wellbeing.

Through our comprehensive reviews of rigorous research, we have identified policies and strategies that provide states with key opportunities to remove obstacles that prevent families from participating in the programs intended to help them thrive. Next is a closer look at these policies and strategies and an overview of important outcome measures that states should use to track their progress toward removing barriers to access.

Four outcome measures illustrate families’ access to services based on expanded eligibility, fewer barriers to resources and care, reduced administrative burden, and screenings for needed services: (1) health insurance access among low-income women of childbearing age, (2) receipt of adequate prenatal care, and (3) developmental screenings among children under age 3. These outcomes vary considerably across states, as well as by race and ethnicity.

All three outcome measures were calculated intentionally in the negative direction to demonstrate where states have room for improvement and to help states prioritize the prenatal-to-3 policy goals. Out of 51 states, the state lagging furthest behind ranks 51st, and the leading state ranks first. The median state indicates that half of states have outcomes that measure better than that state, whereas half of states have outcomes that are worse. Importantly, the “leading” state on a given outcome does not necessarily indicate a target for all other states to strive toward; even in the states with the best outcomes, many children and families are struggling.

OUTCOME MEASURE: LACK OF HEALTH INSURANCE
% low-income women uninsured
Median state value: 15.5%

In the five lagging states, a quarter or more of low-income women of childbearing age do not have health insurance, leaving them physically and financially vulnerable, and without access to pre- or inter-conception care. Expanded income eligibility for health insurance would provide health insurance to most of these uninsured women, but none of the five worst states except Nevada has adopted the policy. At the extremes, women with low incomes in Texas are nearly 14 times more likely than those in DC to lack health insurance, and Hispanic women with low incomes lack health insurance at twice the rate of all other women.

Source: 2022 American Community Survey (ACS) 1-Year Public Use Microdata Sample (PUMS).
Note: Any data marked with an asterisk should be interpreted with caution.

 

OUTCOME MEASURE: LACK OF ADEQUATE PRENATAL CARE
% births to women not receiving adequate prenatal care
Median state value: 14.2%

The receipt of adequate prenatal care is essential to support the health and wellbeing of birthing people, including healthy births. In the five leading states, roughly 10% or fewer of births did not receive adequate prenatal care, compared to over 1 in 5 or in the five lagging states. There are also racial disparities in the lack of adequate prenatal care: the rate of inadequate prenatal care among births to Black women is nearly twice as high as those to White women.

Source: National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS), final natality data 2022. Retrieved April 16, 2024, from www.marchofdimes.org/peristats. Variation by race and ethnicity data are NCHS final natality data averaged across 2020-2022 (retrieved April 16, 2024); N/A = Reported data for “Other” do not align with the race/ethnic categories presented throughout the Roadmap.

 

OUTCOME MEASURE: LACK OF DEVELOPMENTAL SCREENINGS
% children under age 3 not receiving developmental screening
Median state value: 58.5%

More than 2 out of 3 children in the five lagging states do not receive a developmental screening assessment prior to age 3; but even in the five leading states, 40% or more children do not receive this important assessment for early detection of developmental delays. Black and Hispanic children are less likely than White children to be screened at an early age for developmental delays.

Source: 2020-2022 National Survey of Children’s Health (NSCH).

 

For additional information regarding calculation details, data quality, and source data please refer to Methods and Sources.

For more information on outcomes by goal, including by race and ethnicity and state, see the 2024 Prenatal-to-3 State Policy Roadmap section on outcomes across the US..

Based on comprehensive reviews of the most rigorous evidence available, the Prenatal-to-3 Policy Impact Center identified 12 effective solutions that foster the nurturing environments infants and toddlers need. For each of the four policies, the evidence points to a specific policy lever that states can implement to impact outcomes. For the eight strategies, the evidence clearly links the strategy to PN-3 outcomes, but the current evidence base does not provide clear guidance on how states should implement each strategy to positively impact outcomes. Seven policies and strategies have demonstrated effectiveness at improving families’ access to needed services: expanded income eligibility for health insurance, paid family and medical leave for families with a new child, reduced administrative burden for SNAP, comprehensive screening and connection programs, child care subsidies, and group prenatal care.

For more information on the impact of state-level policies and strategies in the prenatal-to-3 period, search the Prenatal-to-3 Policy Clearinghouse for an ongoing inventory of rigorous evidence reviews. To learn more about the impact of effective policies and strategies on the eight prenatal-to-3 policy goals, see the Prenatal-to-3 State Policy Roadmap.

  1. Prenatal-to-3 Policy Impact Center. (2024). Prenatal-to-3 policy clearinghouse evidence review: Expanded Income Eligibility for Health Insurance. Peabody College of Education and Human Development, Vanderbilt University. https://pn3policy.org/policy-clearinghouse/expanded-income-eligibility-for-health-insurance
  2. Cunnyngham, K. (2022). Reaching Those in Need: Estimates of State Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program Participation Rates in 2019. Mathematica. https://www.mathematica.org/publications/2019-reaching-those-in-need-estimates-of-state-supplemental-nutrition-assistance-program
  3. Feinberg, E., Silverstein, M., Donahue, S., & Bliss, R. (2011). The impact of race on participation in Part C Early Intervention services. Journal of Developmental & Behavioral Pediatrics, 32, 284–291. https://dx.doi.org/10.1097%2FDBP.0b013e3182142fbd
  4. Boyens, C., Karpman, M., & Smalligan, J. (2022). Access to Paid Leave Is Lowest among Workers with the Greatest Needs. Urban Institute. https://www.urban.org/sites/default/files/2022-07/Access%20to%20Paid%20Leave%20Is%20Lowest%20among%20Workers%20with%20the%20Greatest%20Needs.pdf
  5. Herd, P., & Moynihan, D. P. (2018). Administrative burden: Policymaking by other means. Russell Sage Foundation.
  6. Heckman. (n.d.). Why early investment matters. Retrieved August 1, 2023, from https://heckmanequation.org/resource/why-early-investment-matters/

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